Friday, December 07, 2007

Olberman, 911, May 2006 deal on impeachment, & Darfur

Dear Impeachment Person,
1) Ralph Nazareth thought you might like to see Keith Olberman tell
Mr. Bush he's a bold faced liar for 8 minutes. He's very good at it.
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article18847.htm

2) Sophie Barnes found that the former PM of Italy says 9/11 was an
inside deal. She writes: Attendez!
http://georgewashington.blogspot.com/2007/12/former-president-of-italy-911-was.html
Cossiga's key statement is:
all democratic elements of America and Europe, and especially the
Italian center-left, are well aware that the disastrous attack was
planned and executed by the American CIA and the Mossad with help from
organized Zionists in order to accuse the Arab world and to induce the
Western powers to intervene in both Iraq and Afghanistan"

3) Carol Wolman of the New Broom Coalition (the idea being to sweep
Washington clean) has an interesting analysis of the deal the Dems
made with Bush in May 2006 to avoid impeachment. Harold Burbank adds
two comments. See 3 below.

4) If you've had suspicions about the Administration's human rights
interest in Darfur, 4 below is an argument that the purpose is to set
up a blackwater operation that will end up with Sudanese oil in the US
instead of China.

So here are the two long pieces:

3) Evidence for the deal:

In May 2006, the following happened:
Nancy Pelosi and John Conyers both published statements saying that
impeachment was off the table. At the time, they claimed this was
part of a campaign strategy.
The same month, McNerny, a PDA Democrat running against Richard Pombo
(the only PDA Democrat who won) reneged on his public pro-impeachment
stance, and asked our group Impeach Bush-Cheney -IBC- to take his name
off our literature. Two months earlier, he'd sent his campaign
manager to our meeting to ask us to telephone bank for him, and we
did- so we felt personally injured.
The same month, Barbara Lee, who had been supportive, stopped
returning IBC phone calls.
So obviously, some sort of deal taking impeachment off the table went
down in May 2006, and all the Democrats, even the best ones, toed the
party line.

After the election, which clearly was a mandate to impeach, Pelosi
immediately announced that impeachment was off the table, and Conyers
backed her up. So the deal of May 2006 was unaffected by the election
results.

I always wondered what Bush's chip was. Did he threaten ALL their
grandchildren? What did he have in his pocket that forced the Dems to
capitulate?

Biden gave us the answer. Bush has his finger on the button, and
could start WW III any time. The deal was he would refrain if
impeachment is off the table, but if hearings were started, guess
what!

So the threats have all been bluster, but they got so intense that
Biden blew the whistle. And notice, within a week, we find out that
Iran stopped their work toward nukes a couple of years ago, just as
the IAEC has been saying all along. So the war rhetoric has stopped.

I believe that NBC has done a lot to change the energy field so that
Biden could say what he said. Harold, your effort toward the Carter
center has had a good effect. The ether is mysterious, but it really
works.

Onward and upward!

Peace, Carol

This is helpful. I believe that you are correct, Carol. It saddens
me to see these elements. We will need proof beyond reasonable doubt
for impeachment to work. It is essential for government officials
who know the truth to tell it now. I keep asking people who offer me
information from off the record sources to find such people, but
nothing results. Will Biden offer proof of a deal he perhaps
designed? I am not sure. He might have to sacrifice his career to do
so, since he might face some kind of criminal conspiracy charge for
dealing with known criminals (Bushco). But, he would save his country
by holding hearings now and letting the chips fall. I hope his
imipeachment statement last week means he is considering that, even if
Bush does not bomb Iran. Full hearings on what Biden and others
plainly know about Bishco crimes are the only way to purge the
country of those who began the ongoing coup d'etat.

HB

Agreed, but there are many conscientious people working in government
at many levels who must see and know the details of Bushco crimes who
would come forward if they were protected for a stand on principle. I
hope we as a group find means to appeal to them. I keep hearing such
people are talking off the record to writers and scholars. The most
good they could do would be to come forward (at obvious risk). I do
not know what will motvate them, but assume more assurances of
protection and respect for their patriotism would be key. Congress is
not talking about this at all, which suggests they do not want the
public to know all of the facts. I keep asking my friends to persuade
so called witnesses to come forward.

HB

4) http://www.blackagendareport.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=453&Itemid=1

Ten Reasons Why "Save Darfur" is a PR Scam to Justify the Next US Oil
and Resource Wars in Africa

Tuesday, 27 November 2007

The star-studded hue and cry to "Save Darfur" and "stop the genocide"
has gained enormous traction in U.S. media along with bipartisan
support in Congress and the White House. But the Congo, with ten to
twenty times as many African dead over the same period is not called a
"genocide" and passes almost unnoticed. Sudan sits atop lakes of oil.
It has large supplies of uranium, and other minerals, significant
water resources, and a strategic location near still more African oil
and resources. The unasked question is whether the nation's Republican
and Dem ocratic foreign policy elite are using claims of genocide, and
appeals for "humanitarian intervention" to grease the way for the next
oil and resource wars on the African continent.

Top Ten Reasons to Suspect "Save Darfur" is a PR Scam to Justify US
Military Intervention in African

by BAR Managing Editor Bruce Dixon

The regular manufacture and the constant maintenance of false
realities in the service of American empire is a core function of the
public relations profession and the corporate news media. Whether
it's fake news stories about wonder drugs and how toxic chemicals are
good for you, bribed commentators and journalists discoursing on the
benefits of No Child Left Behind, Hollywood stars advocating military
intervention to save African orphans, or slick propaganda campaigns
employing viral marketing techniques to reach out to college students,
bloggers, churches and ordinary citizens, it pays to take a close look
behi nd the facade.

Among the latest false realities being pushed upon the American people
are the simplistic pictures of Black vs. Arab genocide in Darfur, and
the proposed solution: a robust US-backed or US-led military
intervention in Western Sudan. Increasing scrutiny is being focused
upon the "Save Darfur" lobby and the Save Darfur Coalition; upon its
founders, its finances, its methods and motivations and its
truthfulness. In the spirit of furthering that examination we here
present ten reasons to suspect that the "Save Darfur" campaign is a PR
scam to justify US intervention in Africa.

1. It wouldn't be the first Big Lie our government and media elite
told us to justify a war.

Elders among us can recall the Tonkin Gulf Incident, which the US
government deliberately provoked to justify initiation of the war in
Vietnam. This rationale was quickly succeeded by the need to help the
struggling infant "democracy" in South Vietnam , and the still useful
"fight 'em over there so we don't have to fight 'em over here"
nonsense. More recently the bombings, invasions and occupations of
Afghanistan and Iraq have been variously explained by people on the
public payroll as necessary to "get Bin Laden" as revenge for 9-11, as
measures to take "the world's most dangerous weapons" from the hands
of "the world's most dangerous regimes", as measures to enable the
struggling Iraqi "democracy" stand on its own two feet, and necessary
because it's still better to "fight them over there so we don't have
to fight them here".

2. It wouldn't even be the first time the U.S. government and media
elite employed "genocide prevention" as a rationale for military
intervention in an oil-rich region.

The 1995 US and NATO military intervention in the former Yugoslavia
was supposedly a "peacekeeping" operation to stop a genocide. The
lasting result of that campaign is Camp Bondsteel, o ne of the largest
military bases on the planet. The U.S. is practically the only
country in the world that maintains military bases outside its own
borders. At just under a thousand acres, Camp Bondsteel offers the US
military the ability to pre-position large quantities of equipment and
supplies within striking distance of Caspian oil fields, pipeline
routes and relevant sea lanes. It is also widely believed to be the
site of one of the US's secret prison and torture facilities.

3. If stopping genocide in Africa really was on the agenda, why the
focus on Sudan with 200,000 to 400,000 dead rather than Congo with
five million dead?

"The notion that a quarter million Darfuri dead are a genocide and
five million dead Congolese are not is vicious and absurd," according
to Congolese activist Nita Evele. "What's happened and what is still
happening in Congo is not a tribal conflict and it's not a civil war.
It is an invasion. It is a g enocide with a death toll of five million,
twenty times that of Darfur, conducted for the purpose of plundering
Congolese mineral and natural resources."

More than anything else, the selective and cynical application of the
term "genocide" to Sudan, rather than to the Congo where ten to twenty
times as many Africans have been murdered reveals the depth of
hypocrisy around the "Save Darfur" movement. In the Congo, where
local gangsters, mercenaries and warlords along with invading armies
from Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Angola engage in slaughter, mass rape
and regional depopulation on a scale that dwarfs anything happening in
Sudan, all the players eagerly compete to guarantee that the
extraction of vital coltan for Western computers and cell phones, the
export of uranium for Western reactors and nukes, along with diamonds,
gold, copper, timber and other Congolese resources continue
undisturbed.

Former UN Ambassador Andrew Young and George H.W. Bush both serve on
the board of Barrcik Gold, one of the largest and most active mining
concerns in war-torn Congo. Evidently, with profits from the brutal
extraction of Congolese wealth flowing to the West, there can be no
Congolese "genocide" worth noting, much less interfering with. For
their purposes, U.S. strategic planners may regard their Congolese
model as the ideal means of capturing African wealth at minimal cost
without the bother of official U.S. boots on the ground.

4. It's all about Sudanese oil.

Sudan, and the Darfur region in particular, sit atop a lake of oil.
But Sudanese oil fields are not being developed and drilled by Exxon
or Chevron or British Petroleum. Chinese banks, oil and construction
firms are making the loans, drilling the wells, laying the pipelines
to take Sudanese oil where they intend it to go, calling far too many
shots for a twenty-first century in which the U.S. aspires to control
the planet's energy supplies. A U.S. and NATO military intervention
will solve that problem for U.S. planners.

5. It's all about Sudanese uranium, gum arabic and other natural resources.

Uranium is vital to the nuclear weapons industry and an essential fuel
for nuclear reactors. Sudan possesses high quality deposits of
uranium. Gum arabic is an essential ingredient in pharmaceuticals,
candies and beverages like Coca-Cola and Pepsi, and Sudanese exports
of this commodity are 80% of the world's supply. When comprehensive
U.S. sanctions against the Sudanese regime were being considered in
1997, industry lobbyists stepped up and secured an exemption in the
sanctions bill to guarantee their supplies of this valuable Sudanese
commodity. But an in-country U.S. and NATO military presence is a
more secure guarantee that the extraction of Sudanese resources, like
those of the Congo, flow westward to the U.S. and the European Union.

6. It 's all about Sudan's strategic location

Sudan sits opposite Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States, where a large
fraction of the world's easily extracted oil will be for a few more
years. Darfur borders on Libya and Chad, with their own vast oil
resources, is within striking distance of West and Central Africa, and
is a likely pipeline route. The Nile River flows through Sudan before
reaching Egypt, and Southern Sudan has water resources of regional
significance too. With the creation of AFRICOM, the new Pentagon
command for the African continent, the U.S. has made open and explicit
its intention to plant a strategic footprint on the African continent.
From permanent Sudanese bases, the U.S. military could influence the
politics and ecocomies of Africa for a generation to come.

7. The backers and founders of the "Save Darfur" movement are the
well-connected and well-funded U.S. foreign policy elite.
According to a copyrighted Washington Post story this summer

"The "Save Darfur (Coalition) was created in 2005 by two groups
concerned about genocide in the African country - the American Jewish
World Service and the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum...

"The coalition has a staff of 30 with expertise in policy and public
relations. Its budget was about $15 million in the most recent fiscal
year...

"Save Darfur will not say exactly how much it has spent on its ads,
which this week have attempted to shame China, host of the 2008
Olympics, into easing its support for Sudan. But a coalition
spokeswoman said the amount is in the millions of dollars."

Though the "Save Darfur" PR campaign employs viral marketing
techniques, reaching out to college students, even to black bloggers,
it is not a grassroots affair, as were the movement against apartheid
and in support of African liberation movements in South Africa,
Namibia, Angola and Mozambique a generation ago. Top heav y with
evangelical Christians who preach the coming war for the end of the
world, and with elements known for their uncritical support of Israeli
rejectionism in the Middle East, the Save Darfur movement is clearly
an establishment affair, a propaganda campaign that spends millions of
dollars each month to manfacture consent for US military intervention
in Africa under the cloak of stopping or preventing genocide.

8. None of the funds raised by the "Save Darfur Coalition", the
flagship of the "Save Darfur Movement" go to help needy Africans on
the ground in Darfur, according to stories in both the Washington Post
and the New York Times.

"None of the money collected by Save Darfur goes to help the victims
and their families. Instead, the coalition pours its proceeds into
advocacy efforts that are primarily designed to persuade governments
to act."

9. "Save Darfur" partisans in the U.S. are not interested in
political negoti ations to end the conflict in Darfur
President Bush has openly and repeatedly attempted to throw monkey
wrenches at peace negotiations to end the war in Darfur. Even
pro-intervention scholars and humanitarian organizations active on the
ground have criticized the U.S. for endangering humanitarian relief
workers, and for effectively urging rebel parties in Darfur to refuse
peace talks and hold out for U.S. and NATO intervention on their
behalf.

The slick, well financed and nearly seamless PR campaign
simplistically depicts the conflict as strictly a racial affair, in
which Arabs, generally despised in the US media anyway, are
exterminating the black population of Sudan. In the make-believe
world it creates, there is no room for negotiation. But in fact, many
of Sudan's 'Arabs", even the Janjiweed, are also black. In any case,
they were armed and unleashed by a government which has the power to
disarm them if it chooses, and can also n egotiate in good faith if it
chooses. Negotiations are never a gurantee of anything, but refusal
to particpate in negotiations, as the U.S. appears to be urging the
rebels in Darfur to do, and as the "Save Darfur" PR campaign
justifies, avoids any path to a political settlement among Sudanese,
leaving open only the road of U.S and NATO military intervention.

10. Blackwater and other U.S. mercenary contractors, the unofficial
armed wings of the Republican party and the Pentagon are eagerly
pitching their services as part of the solution to the Darfur crisis.

"Chris Taylor, head of strategy for Blackwater, says his company has a
database of thousands of former police and military officers for
security assignments. He says Blackwater personnel could set up
perimeters and guard Darfurian villages and refugee camp in support of
the U.N. Blackwater officials say it would not take many men to fend
off the Janjaweed, a militia that is suppo rted by the Sudanese
government and attacks villages on camelback."

Apparently Blackwater doesn't need to come to the Congo, where hunger
and malnutrition, depopulation, mass rape and the disappearance of
schools, hospitals and civil society into vast law free zones ruled by
an ever-changing cast of African proxies (like the son of the late and
unlamented Idi Amin), all under a veil of complicit media silence
already constitute the perfect business-friendly environment for
siphoning off the vast wealth of that country at minimal cost.

Look for the adoption of the Congolese model across the wide areas of
Africa that U.S. strategic planners call "ungoverned spaces". Just
don't expect to see details on the evening news, or hear about them
from Oprah, George Clooney or Angelina Jolie.

Bruce Dixon can be contacted at bruce.dixon(at)blackagendareport.com

Thursday, December 06, 2007

Plan B for Impeachment

Terrific! Forwarded by Susan Serpa:

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Susan Serpa <scsserpa@yahoo.com>
Date: Dec 6, 2007 12:59 PM
Subject: Re: FW: Group Mail - IMPEACHMENT GROUP - Breaking: Plan B
for Impeachment
To: pala@maine.rr.com, north-east-impeachment-summit@googlegroups.com,
Planning NE Impeachment Coalition
<Planning-for-NE-Impeachment-Coalition@googlegroups.com>


From Kucinich 2008 Action Center, Wed, Dec 5, 2007, 9:29 PM:
"A major reason House leadership is running away from impeachment is many
of them are now corporate-backed and their corporate donors are
telling them to do that."

Plan B: Cut straight to the chase. Slam the largest campaign
contributors to the Judiciary Committee. Call their CFO or the
corporate president or whoever is the best contact. Tell them to do
their patriotic duty and support the US Constitution by demanding the
judiciary member (whom they had sent money) proceed with the
impeachment process.

Below (and attached) are who the contributors are:

JC MemberRankContributorAmtContact Namee-mailPhoneWebsite
ADAM SCHIFF (D-CA)1Machinists/Aerospace Workers Union$3,000 Richard
Michalski, GVP Headquarterswebsteward@iamaw.org(301)967-4500http://www.goiam.org/
ANTHONY D. WEINER (D-NY)1Machinists/Aerospace Workers Union$5,000
Richard Michalski, GVP
Headquarterswebsteward@iamaw.org(301)967-4500http://www.goiam.org/
BETTY SUE SUTTON (D-OH)1Machinists/Aerospace Workers Union$5,000
Richard Michalski, GVP
Headquarterswebsteward@iamaw.org(301)967-4500http://www.goiam.org/
BILL DELAHUNT (D-MA)1Machinists/Aerospace Workers Union$5,000 Richard
Michalski, GVP Headquarterswebsteward@iamaw.org(301)967-4500http://www.goiam.org/
BRAD SHERMAN (D-CA)1Machinists/Aerospace Workers Union$5,000 Richard
Michalski, GVP Headquarterswebsteward@iamaw.org(301)967-4500http://www.goiam.org/
DEBBIE WASSERMAN SCHULTZ (D-FL)1Machinists/Aerospace Workers
Union$5,000 Richard Michalski, GVP
Headquarterswebsteward@iamaw.org(301)967-4500http://www.goiam.org/
JOHN CONYERS JR. (D-MI)1Machinists/Aerospace Workers Union$10,000
Richard Michalski, GVP
Headquarterswebsteward@iamaw.org(301)967-4500http://www.goiam.org/
LINDA SANCHEZ (D-CA)1Machinists/Aerospace Workers Union$10,000 Richard
Michalski, GVP Headquarterswebsteward@iamaw.org(301)967-4500http://www.goiam.org/
MIKE PENCE (R-IN)1Machinists/Aerospace Workers Union$10,000 Richard
Michalski, GVP Headquarterswebsteward@iamaw.org(301)967-4500http://www.goiam.org/
RICK BOUCHER (D-VA)1Machinists/Aerospace Workers Union$5,000 Richard
Michalski, GVP Headquarterswebsteward@iamaw.org(301)967-4500http://www.goiam.org/
ROBERT C. SCOTT (D-VA)1Machinists/Aerospace Workers Union$3,000
Richard Michalski, GVP
Headquarterswebsteward@iamaw.org(301)967-4500http://www.goiam.org/

Machinists/Aerospace Workers Union Total$66,000
BETTY SUE SUTTON (D-OH)2Intl Brotherhood of Electrical Workers$9,000
Salvatore J. Chilia, 4th District V.P. (incl. Ohio)
IVPD_04@IBEW.org(216)
328-0004http://www.ibew.org/4thdistrict/index.htm
BRAD SHERMAN (D-CA)2Intl Brotherhood of Electrical Workers$5,000
Michael S. Mowrey, 9th District V.P. (incl.
California)IVPD_09@IBEW.org(916)
567-0381http://www.ibewninthdistrict.org/
DEBBIE WASSERMAN SCHULTZ (D-FL)2Intl Brotherhood of Electrical
Workers$10,000 Joseph S. Davis, 5th District V.P. (incl.
Florida)IVPD_05@IBEW.org(205) 444-9977http://ibewfifthdistrict.org/
JOHN CONYERS JR. (D-MI)2Intl Brotherhood of Electrical Workers$5,000
Joseph F. Lohman, 6th District V.P. (incl.
Michigan)IVPD_06@IBEW.org(630) 434-1683http://www.ibew6th.org/
LINDA SANCHEZ (D-CA)2Intl Brotherhood of Electrical Workers$10,000
Michael S. Mowrey, 9th District V.P. (incl.
California)IVPD_09@IBEW.org(916)
567-0381http://www.ibewninthdistrict.org/
MIKE PENCE (R-IN)2Intl Brotherhood of Electrical Workers$10,000 Joseph
F. Lohman, 6th District V.P. (incl. Indiana)IVPD_06@IBEW.org(630)
434-1683http://www.ibew6th.org/
ROBERT C. SCOTT (D-VA)2Intl Brotherhood of Electrical Workers$5,000
Salvatore J. Chilia, 4th District V.P. (incl. Virginia)
IVPD_04@IBEW.org(216)
328-0004http://www.ibew.org/4thdistrict/index.htm

Intl Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Total$54,000
ADAM SCHIFF (D-CA)3National Assn of Home Builders$5,000 Brian C.
Catalde, Presidentbc@paragoncommunities.com310-322-3268http://www.nahb.org/
ANTHONY D. WEINER (D-NY)3National Assn of Home Builders$2,000 Brian C.
Catalde, Presidentbc@paragoncommunities.com310-322-3268http://www.nahb.org/
BRAD SHERMAN (D-CA)3National Assn of Home Builders$3,000 Brian C.
Catalde, Presidentbc@paragoncommunities.com310-322-3268http://www.nahb.org/
CHRIS CANNON (R-UT)3National Assn of Home Builders$7,000 Brian C.
Catalde, Presidentbc@paragoncommunities.com310-322-3268http://www.nahb.org/
ELTON GALLEGLY (R-CA)3National Assn of Home Builders$2,000 Brian C.
Catalde, Presidentbc@paragoncommunities.com310-322-3268http://www.nahb.org/
F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER JR. (R-WI)3National Assn of Home Builders$5,000
Brian C. Catalde,
Presidentbc@paragoncommunities.com310-322-3268http://www.nahb.org/
LINDA SANCHEZ (D-CA)3National Assn of Home Builders$2,500 Brian C.
Catalde, Presidentbc@paragoncommunities.com310-322-3268http://www.nahb.org/
LOUIS B. GOHMERT JR (R-TX)3National Assn of Home Builders$2,500 Brian
C. Catalde, Presidentbc@paragoncommunities.com310-322-3268http://www.nahb.org/
MIKE PENCE (R-IN)3National Assn of Home Builders$2,500 Brian C.
Catalde, Presidentbc@paragoncommunities.com310-322-3268http://www.nahb.org/
RIC KELLER (R-FL)3National Assn of Home Builders$5,000 Brian C.
Catalde, Presidentbc@paragoncommunities.com310-322-3268http://www.nahb.org/
STEVE CHABOT (R-OH)3National Assn of Home Builders$7,500 Brian C.
Catalde, Presidentbc@paragoncommunities.com310-322-3268http://www.nahb.org/
STEVEN A. KING (R-IA)3National Assn of Home Builders$5,000 Brian C.
Catalde, Presidentbc@paragoncommunities.com310-322-3268http://www.nahb.org/

National Assn of Home Builders Total$49,000
DAN LUNGREN (R-CA)4American Bankers Assn$5,000 John Hall, Director,
Public Relationsjhall@aba.com(202)
663-5473http://www.aba.com/default.htm
DEBBIE WASSERMAN SCHULTZ (D-FL)4American Bankers Assn$7,000 John Hall,
Director, Public Relationsjhall@aba.com(202)
663-5473http://www.aba.com/default.htm
ELTON GALLEGLY (R-CA)4American Bankers Assn$1,000 John Hall, Director,
Public Relationsjhall@aba.com(202)
663-5473http://www.aba.com/default.htm
F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER JR. (R-WI)4American Bankers Assn$1,000 John
Hall, Director, Public Relationsjhall@aba.com(202)
663-5473http://www.aba.com/default.htm
J. RANDY FORBES (R-VA)4American Bankers Assn$3,500 John Hall,
Director, Public Relationsjhall@aba.com(202)
663-5473http://www.aba.com/default.htm
LAMAR SMITH (R-TX)4American Bankers Assn$3,500 John Hall, Director,
Public Relationsjhall@aba.com(202)
663-5473http://www.aba.com/default.htm
MELVIN L. WATT (D-NC)4American Bankers Assn$3,000 John Hall, Director,
Public Relationsjhall@aba.com(202)
663-5473http://www.aba.com/default.htm
RICK BOUCHER (D-VA)4American Bankers Assn$5,000 John Hall, Director,
Public Relationsjhall@aba.com(202)
663-5473http://www.aba.com/default.htm
STEVEN A. KING (R-IA)4American Bankers Assn$3,500 John Hall, Director,
Public Relationsjhall@aba.com(202)
663-5473http://www.aba.com/default.htm
TOM FEENEY (R-FL)4American Bankers Assn$7,500 John Hall, Director,
Public Relationsjhall@aba.com(202)
663-5473http://www.aba.com/default.htm
TRENT FRANKS (R-AZ)4American Bankers Assn$2,000 John Hall, Director,
Public Relationsjhall@aba.com(202)
663-5473http://www.aba.com/default.htm
ZOE LOFGREN (D-CA)4American Bankers Assn$5,000 John Hall, Director,
Public Relationsjhall@aba.com(202)
663-5473http://www.aba.com/default.htm

American Bankers Assn Total$47,000
ADAM SCHIFF (D-CA)5Laborers Union...

[Message clipped]

Tuesday, December 04, 2007

The Problem of the Senate

THE PROBLEM OF THE SENATE

The Democrats claim that there is no sense in impeaching Bush and
Cheney because they don't have the votes in the Senate. In saying
this, they are obscurely pointing to how anti-democratic the Senate
is. I'll spell it out.

1) The problem of the Senate is an example of the fact that one major
reason the Constitution is in danger is because it unjustly defends
inequities.

Most of us are convinced that the Constitution must be preserved
because it is vastly preferable to what Bush and Cheney, and
presumably their successors, want to substitute for it. Most of us are
convinced that corporations and the rich have vastly too much power
for any shred of democracy to survive in this country. Most of us are
convinced that the Democrats are in cahoots with the Republicans and
that they are not doing what they could do to impeach and stop war.
I'm convinced of those three things. But they create a blind spot for
us.

How could the current constitutional crisis occur if the Constitution
did not mandate some actions that defeated the apparent purpose of the
Constitution? The Civil War could not have happened if the
Constitution had not allowed slavery though slavery flatly
contradicted the grand purposes announced in the Declaration of
Independence—that all men are created equal, that we have inalienable
rights, that we deserve to be free. The basic hypocrisy of the
Constitution on slavery led to the Civil War. What are the hypocrisies
and inconsistencies of the Constitution that have led to our problems
now?

I'll deal with just one today: the Senate. The Senate was created to
be to the House of Representatives as the House of Lords is to the
House of Commons. Senators were supposed to be representatives of our
upper class, our supposed aristocracy. They were supposed to be "the
most illustrious" of us, a more "select" group whose superior wisdom
was supposed to stabilize the popular whimsies of the House. But what
was supposed to guarantee their superiority? Only the fact that they
were less numerous. The assumption was that if there aren't as many,
there will be more competition for fewer slots and somehow the cream
will rise to the top. But is this true? Is Senator Liebermann, for
instance, a better person than Representative Kucinich?

The problem is that the Senate was used to solve two problems at once.
It was supposed to create a virtuous elite but there was nothing to
guarantee the virtue. At the same time, it was supposed to give the
smaller states some security in their dealings with the larger states.
This it did. With such a vengeance, in fact, that it is a wonder the
more populous states agreed to it merely for their relative advantage
in the House. The constitutional compromise on legislative
representation made the Senate anti-democratic in its own peculiar
way. Instead of guaranteeing virtue in the Senate, it guaranteed
inordinate power for the least populous states in the amendment
process, in trials of impeached officials, in ordinary votes in the
Senate, and in the electoral college—for the Senate's elitism affects
all four of those functions.

Our three basic convictions—about the virtue of the Constitution, the
vices of plutocracy, and the covert reality of collusion between the
parties—have blinded us to the meaning of the Democrat's perpetual
excuse that it is senseless to impeach because they don't have the
votes in the Senate.

To get at this meaning, I've been examining the 2000 census figures. I
ask about different hypothetical votes in the Senate, "Through the
actions of their senators, how much power do the voters in the less
populous states have compared to the power the voters of the most
populous states have through their own senators?" The figures are
conveniently laid out at
www.enchantedlearning.com/usa/states/population/shtml, the populations
of the 50 states (and DC) arranged from the most populous, California,
to the least, Wyoming.


2) The citizens of the less populous states are "more equal" than the
citizens of the heavily populated states.

I'll start with the extreme inequities, then go to more subtle ones.
If you look at the figures in different combinations, the magnitude of
the inequities begin to sink in. There are a lot of implications to
these figures, so I'll give a number of them.

Through the Senate, a citizen of Wyoming has 68.6 times as much power
as a citizen of California.

21 states with 31,579,777 elect 42 senators while 1 state (California)
with 33,871,648 elects 2. Relative to the people of the 21 least
populous states, Californians are underrepresented by 22.5 times in
the Senate.

In the Senate 26 states with 49,911,176 people can outvote 24 states
with 222,752,218 people. In this situation the voters of the less
populous states each have 4.5 times as much power as the voters in the
more populous states. The Senate can deliver a majority vote from the
representatives of less than one fifth (18.3%) of the people of the
country.

27 states with 54,212,437 elect a solid majority--54 senators, while 2
states (California and Texas) with 54,723,468--elect only 4. People in
those less populous states average 13.5 times the individual power
through the Senate of people in Cal and Tx.

31 states with 73,178,624 people elect 62 senators while 3 states
(California, Texas, and New York) with 73,699,925 elect only 6. People
in those less populous states have 10.33 times the power through the
Senate of individuals in Cal, Tx, and NY.

34 states with 89,433,996 people elect 68 senators who have a 2/3rds
majority while 4 states (California, Texas, New York, and Florida)
with 89,682,303 have only 8 senators. This is where it gets crucial
for us. In voting for impeachment, the people of the least populated
34 states each have 8.5 times as much power as the citizens of the 4
most populous states.

In the Senate, half the people are represented by 16 senators while
the other half is represented by 84 senators. Half the people have
less than one sixth of the representation. 42 states with 136,989160
people elect 84 senators while 8 states (California, Texas, New York,
Florida, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Michigan) have 16 senators
for 135,674,234 people. (272663394 + DC's 572,059 = 273,235,453 was
counted as total population in 2000, 27 million less than the
estimated population now.)

What if the most populous states want an amendment? To propose the
amendment, they'd have to get 34 states to agree in the House and
Senate. How many people do those states have? 254,449,586 people: all
but 18,213,808 in the 16 smallest states. What if the least populous
states want an amendment? They have to get 34 states to agree. How
many people do the 34 least populous states have? 89,433,996, one
third as many. And how many can stand against them? 165,015,590,
That's 9.06 times as many as the 18,213,808 that can block the most
populous states. .

Amendments have to be ratified by three fourths of the states—38
states. The 38 least populous states [up to and including
Massachusetts but not DC] have 113,695,289 people. It would take the
votes of the 13 most populous states, with 181,938,312 people to block
their vote. The 38 most populous states have 261,786,496 people but
their votes can be blocked by the votes of the 13 least populous
states with 12,588,161 votes. For blocking ratification, the people of
the least populous states average 14.45 times the power of those of
the most populous states.


3) How can these inequities be corrected?

First, we'd have to either abolish the Senate or propose a different
basis for getting elected to the Senate. I think bicameral
legislatures are a good idea, so I'd propose the second. Instead of
merely being elected by a state, senators could be elected at large
after proving various qualifications, such as service to the country
or world, various sorts of prizes or awards, levels of education or
various intellectual skills, etc. But this is not the time to worry
about the criteria, for a much larger problem looms before us. The
structure of the Senate can only be changed by constitutional
amendment, and the inequities that shape the Senate are even more
serious in the amendment process. Read Article V:

"The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it
necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the
Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States,
shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either
Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as part of this
Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of
the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the
one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress;
Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year One
thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first
and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that
no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage
in the Senate."

So the inequities at the levels of two thirds and three fourths votes
discussed in section 2 above are just the beginning of the problem.
The worst problem is that ANY state can prevent a change in its
status. For instance, if a majority of the 272,169,612 people in 49
states wanted to reduce or change the power of the Senate, the
majority of the 493,782 people in Wyoming could prevent them from
reducing Wyoming's power in the Senate. In that situation, the people
of Wyoming would each have 551.2 times as much power as the people of
the rest of the country.

Is there any way out of this bind? Three are suggested: two forms of
"informal amendment" and one form of "popular amendment."

"Informal amendment" means either by court ruling or by change of
fact. Given the predominance of conservative and reactionary judges,
it is presently inconceivable that courts would rule that the Senate
should have less or different kinds of power. "Change of fact" would
mean something like this: people in the more populous states decide to
migrate to the less populous states so that eventually the inequities
eliminate themselves, all states ending with 5.44 million people each.
This would require, for example, that 28.43 million people leave
California while 4.95 million move into Wyoming. Glad to see you're
relieved the problem can be solved so simply.

Seriously, only one alternative is left, "popular amendment," and it
too has a problem: it has never been used, so no one knows whether it
actually exists. James Wilson, who signed the Constitution, endorsed
the idea. Akhil Reed Amar writes a lot about it in "The Constitution:
A Biography," which I am consequently going out to buy now. Meanwhile
I hope a couple others of you will read it; if Wilson and Amar provide
a way to ameliorate this inequity, probably it is the only one.

4) So what are the relevant implications?

a) When the Democrats say it is pointless to impeach because they
don't have the votes in the Senate, they are 1) overestimating their
knowledge of the future; 2) underestimating the power of impeachment
procedures; 3) being obstructionists because they've made prior deals
with the Republicans and want imperial presidential powers themselves;
and 4) being self-serving because they want everyone to believe the
only solution is to elect a lot of Democrats to the Senate.

b) BUT they are also sloppily hinting at something important and ugly
they think no one can do anything about and that they don't want to
admit because it is so profoundly anti-democratic. That is the
extraordinary advantage the less populous states have in the Senate
that section 2 discusses, and how hard it is to change it, as
discussed briefly in section 3. If they talked openly about how the
representatives of very few people are able to dominate the Senate,
they'd generate a lot of outrage that would jeopardize their own
positions.

c) Look at a map of the "Red" and "Blue" states and notice that if you
read a list of the states in order of their population, you encounter
most of the "Blue" states reading down from the top before you hit
most of the "Red" ones and most of the "Red" ones reading up from the
bottom before you run into most of the "Blue" ones near the top. "Red"
v "Blue" has a high correlation with "Overrepresented in the Senate"
vs. "Underrepresented in the Senate." Consider who gets elected in the
less populous states of the West, Midwest, and South. They're not
small farmers. Most are big landowners or are tied to large-scale
farming interests like Cargill, tobacco interests, banks that manage
farmers' mortgages and loans, defense contractors, etc. Corporate
power takes full advantage of the opportunities disproportionate
senatorial power provides. And they tend to do it through the
religious Right whose power is concentrated in those states. The
discomfort we are feeling in our own country is the result of the
facts that our country is being run 1) by plutocrats representing
multinationals that exploit the world and have no national affiilation
b) largely through representatives of farm and ranch states c) who
have together elected presidents and legislators who don't represent
us and appoint judges who don't.

d) Consider the differences between the US and Europe on such indices
as difference of wealth and income, health care, mortality,
educational levels, the relative power of women, the impact of racism,
religiosity, and authoritarianism. Though we have more money per
capita than any country but Luxembourg, we have policies so backward
that large percentages of our children are malnourished, badly
educated, and uninsured, that healthcare in inner cities is on a par
with that in Lagos, Nigeria, that 27 countries have greater life
expectancy, and so on. All of these are related to the fact that in
the Senate the representatives of the vast majority have less power
than the representatives of less populous states.

e) Consider what hypocrites our representatives are in advertising our
supposedly democratic nature around the world—though the Founders were
absolutely clear that they established a Republic, not a Democracy,
and that they did so because they believed republics to be vastly
superior to democracies, likely to last far longer, and far easier to
expand. Consider further whether, just as we now have universal
suffrage for all citizens over 18 whereas we started with white male
moneyed landowner suffrage, we may be at the point where our
conception of democratic rights has outgrown the structured dominance
of the Senate.

f) Consider finally whether, in considering the future and creating
platforms, we should not only be seeking to restore the constitutional
provisions Bush and Cheney are destroying but also to amend those
clauses of the Constitution that made it vulnerable to such
extraordinary abuse.

Over the next 2 months I'll write about how other constitutional
clauses which, like the slavery clauses, have defeated the apparent
purpose of the Constitution and so have made the current crisis
inevitable.

Richard Duffee

Monday, December 03, 2007

Scott Ritter on war with Iran

Hi Impeachment Person,
I personally do not share Scott Ritter's idea of what is good for the
world or the US. But he knows a lot about the Middle East and the
workings of the US government, and seems pretty honest and forthright.
I think we ought to give him a good hearing.
Richard

Metro Times, Detroit
Bombs away?
Arms expert Scott Ritter says the U.S. plans to attack Iran. MT asks
why he's so sure.
by Curt Guyette and W. Kim Heron
11/28/2007
It seems that with each passing week there are more stories raising
the specter of George Bush turning Iraq and Afghanistan into a bloody
trifecta by attacking Iran.
In mainstream daily papers we see pieces like one by Gannett's John
Yaukey, who wrote in early November that "confrontation could be near"
because "Iran continues to taunt the United States with its aggressive
posturing in Iraq and Lebanon while pushing ahead with its nuclear
research ..."
We are also witnessing what appears to be a chilling rerun of the Iraq
debacle. Confronted with evidence that calls into question the status
of Iran's nuclear program, the Bush administration is shifting its
rhetoric.
"The Bush administration has charged that Iran is funding
anti-American fighters in Iraq and sending in sophisticated explosives
to bleed the U.S. mission, although some of the administration's
charges are disputed by Iraqis as well as the Iranians," the Los
Angeles Times reported in October. "Still, ... diplomatic and military
officials say they fear that the overreaching of a confident Iran,
combined with growing U.S. frustrations, could set off a dangerous
collision."
Look beyond daily papers — from Seymour Hersh's reporting in The New
Yorker to articles in The Nation — and the picture emerges of an
administration that is determined to attack Iran.
John H. Richardson's "The Secret History of the Impending War With
Iran That the White House Doesn't Want You to Know" in the November
issue of Esquire magazine is particularly eye-opening. Richardson,
using two former high-ranking Middle East experts who worked for the
White House as his primary sources, warns that the Bush administration
is "headed straight for war with Iran" and that "it had been set on
this course for years."
"It was just like Iraq, when the White House was so eager for war it
couldn't wait for the UN inspectors to leave," writes Richardson, who
details the Bush administration's success at scuttling diplomatic
efforts — notably involving then-Secretary of State Colin Powell — to
reach a peaceful accord with Iran. "The steps have been many and
steady and all in the same direction. And now things are getting much
worse. We are getting closer and closer to the tripline. ..."
With all this in mind, we decided to talk with the man who literally
wrote the book on Bush's intentions. Nearly a year ago, Scott Ritter's
Target Iran was published, and he's been sounding the claxon of
impending war ever since.
A former Marine Corps intelligence officer, Ritter served as chief
United Nations weapons inspector in Iraq from 1991 to 1998 when he
left as a pointed critic of the Clinton administration's commitment to
weapons inspection and its Iraq policy. Before the United States' 2003
invasion, Ritter loudly disputed the Bush administration's claims
regarding weapons of mass destruction under Saddam's control and
predicted that, instead of the quick and easy war being promised, Iraq
would turn into a quagmire, though not necessarily of the type he
envisioned. His analyses have been embraced by both the right and the
left at various points. He portrays himself as the straight-shooting
analyst unconcerned by who supports him or whom he offends.
To learn what he thinks the future holds for Iran, and the
consequences of a U.S. invasion, we recently sat down for a 90-minute
phone interview with Ritter. What follows is a condensed version of
that conversation.

Metro Times: A year ago, when your book Target Iran came out, you were
sounding the alarm about war being imminent. Why do you think that
attack hasn't occurred?
Scott Ritter: Let's remember that this is an elective war, not a war
of necessity. A war of necessity would be fought at the point and time
a conflict is required, if somebody is threatening to invade you, to
attack, etc. But an elective war is one where we choose to go to war.
It will be conducted on a timescale that's beneficial to those who are
planning the conflict.
As far as why it hasn't happened, there's any number of reasons. One,
the Bush administration has not been able to stabilize Iraq to the
level they would like to see prior to expanding military operations in
the region. Two, the international community has not rallied around
the cause of Iran's nuclear program representing a casus belli to the
extent that the Bush administration would like. They were hopeful that
there would be more action from the [United Nations] Security Council.
It took a long time to get the issue shifted from the International
Atomic Energy Agency's headquarters to the Security Council. And even
when it got shifted to the Security Council, the Council took very
timid steps, not decisive steps. The Bush administration sort of tied
its hands at that point in time. I think you are seeing increasing
frustration today at the slow pace.
Also, the need to redefine the Iranian threat away from exclusively
being focused on nuclear activity, because now you have the difficulty
of both the IAEA saying there is no nuclear weapons program and the
CIA saying pretty much the same thing. So the Bush administration
needs to redefine the Iranian threat, which they have been doing
successfully, casting Iran as the largest state sponsor of terror,
getting the Senate resolution calling the Iranian Revolutionary Guard
Command a terrorist organization, and creating a perception amongst
the American people, courtesy of a compliant media, that talks about
the reason why things are going bad in Iraq is primarily because of
Iranian intervention.
They have been working very hard to get back on track. I still believe
that we are seeing convergence here. The Bush administration is moving
very aggressively toward military action with Iran.

MT: Is your conclusion that an attack is imminent based on the
administration's statements and actions, like labeling Iran's
Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist group, or do you also have sources
within the intelligence community and the military and the
administration telling you what's going on?
Ritter: I don't have any current sources of the sort you just spoke
of. I was plugged in back in 2006 to good quality current information.
But I haven't been plugged in recently, so I have to use some sort of
analytical methodology as opposed to saying, "Aha, I got it from the
horse's mouth." But there's nothing that has occurred that leads me to
believe the Bush administration has changed its policy direction. In
fact there has been much that's occurred that reinforces the earlier
conclusions that were based on good sources of information. We take a
look at items in the defense budget, the rapid conversion of heavy
bombers to carry bunker-busting bombs on a specific time frame, the
massive purchasing of oil to fill up the strategic oil reserve by
April 2008. Everything points to April 2008 to being a month of some
criticality. It also matches my analysis that the Bush administration
will want to carry this out prior to the crazy political season of the
summer of 2008.

MT: Last year you expressed hope that if Democrats took control of
Congress it might pass legislation that could block the march toward
war. Do you see them stepping up?
Ritter: No. They just passed a resolution declaring the Iranian
Revolutionary Guard Command as a terrorist organization. Unless there
is a radical reawakening in Congress, I don't see them passing any
sort of pre-emptive legislation of that nature.

MT: But it is now clearer than ever that our invasion of Iraq has been
a disaster. How do you explain the lack of opposition?
Ritter: It's difficult to explain. First of all you have to note, from
the public side, that very few Americans actually function as citizens
anymore. What I mean by that are people who invest themselves in this
country, people who care, who give a damn. Americans are primarily
consumers today, and so long as they continue to wrap themselves in
the cocoon of comfort, and the system keeps them walking down a road
to the perceived path of prosperity, they don't want to rock the boat.
If it doesn't have a direct impact on their day-to-day existence, they
simply don't care.
There's a minority of people who do, but the majority of Americans
don't. And if the people don't care — and remember, the people are the
constituents — if the constituents don't care, then those they elect
to higher office won't feel the pressure to change.
The Democrats, one would hope, would live up to their rhetoric, that
is, challenging the Bush administration's imperial aspirations. Once
it became clear Iraq was an unmitigated disaster, one would have
thought that when the Democrats took control of Congress they would
have sought to reimpose a system of checks and balances, as the
Constitution mandates. But instead the Democrats have put their focus
solely on recapturing the White House, and, in doing so, will not do
anything that creates a political window of opportunity for their
Republican opponents.
The Democrats don't want to be explaining to an apathetic
constituency, an ignorant constituency whose ignorance is prone to be
exploited because it produces fear, fear of the unknown, and the
global war on terror is the ultimate fear button. The Democrats,
rather than challenging the Bush administration's position on the
global war on terror, challenging the notion of these imminent
threats, continues to play them up because that is the safest route
toward the White House. At least that is their perception.
The last thing they are gong to do is pass a piece of legislation that
opens the door for the Republicans to say, "Look how weak these guys
are on terror. They're actually defending the Iranians. They're
defending this Ahmadinejad guy. They're defending the Holocaust
denier. They're defending the guy who wants to wipe Israel off the
face of the earth." The Democrats don't want to go up against that.
They don't have the courage of conviction to enter into that debate
and stare at whoever makes that statement and say they're a bald-faced
liar. They're not going to go that route.

MT: Do you think there is anything that can happen at this point that
will stop this attack?
Ritter: You have to take a look at external influences, not internal
ones. I don't think there is anything happening inside the United
States that's going to stop that attack. I do believe that, for
instance, if Pakistan continues to melt down, that could be something
that creates such a significant diversion the Bush administration will
not be able to make its move on Iran.
To attack Iran, they're going to need a nice lull period. That's what
they're pushing with this whole surge right now. They're creating the
perception that things are quieting. I don't know how many people
picked up on it, but one day we're told that 2007's been the bloodiest
year for U.S. forces in Iraq, the next day we're told that attacks
against American troops are dropping at a dramatic pace. So, what's
the media focus on? The concept of attacks dropping at a dramatic
pace. No one's talking about the fact, wait a minute, we've just lost
more guys than we've ever lost before.
They are pushing the perception that Iraq is now stable. If you have a
situation in Pakistan that explodes out of control, where you suddenly
have nuclear weapons at risk of falling into the hands of Islamic
fundamentalists, that could stop it. If Turkey attacks Kurdistan and
that conflict spins out of control, that could put a halt to it. These
are things that could overshadow even Dick Cheney's desire to bomb
Iran.
And there could be some other unforeseen meltdown globally that's not
on the radar at this time, that, unfortunately, we have to be hoping
for to stop an attack on Iran. And that says a lot, that we have to
hope for disaster to prevent unmitigated disaster.

MT: What's the motivation?
Ritter: The ideologues who are in there believe the United States in
the post-Cold War environment needed to fill the gap created by the
demise of the Soviet Union so that no nation or group of nations would
ever again confront us as equals. And in order to do this, they
basically divided the world into spheres of strategic interest and
said we will impose our will. And the Middle East is one such area.
There's a whole host of reasons to do this.
It's not just supporting Israel. It's not just taking down Saddam.
It's about geopolitics. It's about looking down the road toward China
and India, the world's two largest developing economies, especially
the Chinese, and the absolute fear that this resurgent Chinese economy
brings in the hearts of American industrialists and the need to
dictate the pace of Chinese economic development by controlling their
access to energy. And controlling central Asian and Middle East energy
areas is key in the strategic thinking of the Bush administration.
So, there's a lot of complexity at play here. But you say why do they
want to do this? It's about as Condoleezza Rice continuously says
before the U.S. Congress: It's about regional transformation,
inclusive of regime change. It turns the Middle East into a sphere of
interest that we have tremendous control over. That's what's behind
all this.

MT: And when Bush talks about being an instrument of God, do you think
he really believes that or is that just political posturing, playing
to the religious base?
Ritter: That's a question that can only be asked of George Bush. But I
find it disturbing that an American politician who is supposed to be
the head of a secular nation where religion is protected but there is
no state religion, and who has control over the world's largest
nuclear arsenal, not only openly talks about how God is his final
adviser, which pretty much negates the role of Congress or any other
system of governmental oversight, checks and balances of the
executive, but also embraces a kind of evangelicalism that gives
legitimacy to the notion of the rapture, Armageddon, the apocalypse as
a good thing.
Here's a man who speaks of World War III and the apocalypse and he has
his hand on the button and he talks to God. I don't know, if it's a
show, its a dangerous show, if its real, we should all be scared to
death.

MT: Even going back to before the start of the Iraq war, the national
mainstream media just seemed to be beating the drum for it. Why do you
think that is?
Ritter: Again, only they can really answer that question, but I think
it is clear the mainstream media, while not outright fabricators, are
not there to tell the truth, they're there to win over ratings. They
will package their programming in ways that sells well to an audience.
And we are dealing with a complacent American audience, where in-depth
reality stories are trumped by reality TV. I don't see the programming
director saying, "Look, we're going to spend an hour explaining to the
American people why Ahmadinejad's speech wasn't that big of a deal."
Or they can say, "Hell, no; in three minutes we can lead with a story
saying he's a Holocaust denier and win everybody's attention."

MT: Do you think the resolutions in 2001 and 2002 authorizing Bush to
use military force against Iraq give Bush the authority to attack Iran
without first obtaining congressional approval?
Ritter: I'd like to believe it didn't, but unfortunately when you take
a look at it, and I've had constitutional scholars take a look at it,
the feeling is that, yeah, because of the terrorist threat, if you
take a look at the fine print on both of those resolutions, it gives
the president authorization to use military force to take out groups,
organizations, individuals, etc. who are linked to the events of 9/11.
And the president has continued to make the case that Iran is linked
to the attacks.

MT: Do you think an attack on Iran would be an illegal war of
aggression and a war crime under international law?
Ritter: It depends on what triggers it. If Iran engages in an action
that legitimizes a military response, the answer is no.
There are two conditions that we are legally allowed to engage in
military operations. Militaries are bound by the charter of the United
Nations' Article 51, legitimate self-defense, and a Chapter 7
resolution passed by the Security Council authorizing military force
to be used. If we attack Iran void of any of these, especially when it
can be shown that we have hyped up a threat in defense of pre-emption
— I think the Nuremberg Tribunals from 1946 have set a clear precedent
with Judge Jackson condemning German generals to death for invading
Denmark and Norway in the same premise of pre-emption. It is quite
clear this is illegal. Unfortunately the Nuremburg Tribunals don't
have any weight when it comes to prosecution of the law.
The international community has not agreed upon a definition of what
pre-emptive aggression is, and what the consequences of such are.
Let's keep in mind if we attack Iran we're guilty of no more than what
we're already guilty of in attacking Iraq. Hyping up a threat where
one doesn't exist, going to war void of any legitimacy, violating
everything we claim to stand for. Yet we don't see any war crimes
tribunals being convened for the Bush administration over Iraq.

MT: One of the scenarios that's been raised has Israel launching the
first strike, prompting a response from Iran that would then pull us
in.
Ritter: I think Israel is capable of doing a one-time limited shot
into Iran. One has to take a look at the distances involved and the
complexity of military operations ... the lack of friendly airspace
between corridors into and out of Iran. It's nice to talk about an
Israeli attack, but the reality is far different. Israel had trouble
dominating Hezbollah right on its own border with air power.
I think Israel could actually go into Iran and get their butts kicked.
It may not go off as well as they think it's going to go off. It is
too long of a distance, too much warning for the Iranians. The
Iranians are too locked-in; they're too well prepared. It doesn't make
any sense. Israel doesn't have the ability to sustain a strike. Like I
said, they might be able to pull off a limited one-time shot. But I
think the fallout from that would be devastating for the United
States. As much as we've worked to get an Arab alliance against Iran,
that would just fall apart overnight with an Israeli attack. No Muslim
state will stand by and defend Israel after it initiated a strike
against Iran. It just will not happen. And the United States knows
this. I just think it's ludicrous to talk about an Israeli attack.
I think what we're looking at is an American attack. It's the only
viable option both in terms of initiation and sustainment of the
strike. Israel might be drawn in after that. There's no doubt in my
mind the Iranians will launch missiles against Israeli targets, either
directly or through proxies, and that Israel will suffer. This is
something I try to warn all my Israeli friends about. If you think
Saddam Hussein firing 41 missiles was inconvenient, wait until the
Iranians fire a thousand of them. It goes well beyond an
inconvenience; it becomes a national tragedy. And then the escalation
that can occur from there.
I think right now what the Bush administration is conceiving is a
limited strike against Iran to take out certain Revolutionary Guard
sites and perhaps identified nuclear infrastructure. Not a massive,
sustained bombardment, but a limited strike. But we were always told
in the Marine Corps that the enemy has a vote and no plan survives
initial contact with the enemy. So we may seek to have a limited
strike, but if the Iranians do a massive response, things could spin
out of control quickly.

MT: What do you foresee as some of the possible consequences? No one
is talking about putting troops on the ground in Iran are they?
Ritter: A while back there was talk about having forces move in on
Tehran via Azerbaijan. But I think those plans have gone to the
wayside. If Iran is successful in shutting down the Straits of Hormuz,
it will force our hand and we'll have to put the Marines in to secure
the Straits. If the conflict drags on and air power is not sufficient
to break the will of the Iranian resistance, the Army may have to
activate its option to put a reinforced corps into Azerbaijan and
punch down the Caspian Sea coast. But these are definitely not the
leading options at this point in time.

MT: When you say a "limited strike," what might that look like in more detail?
Ritter: Iran is a big country. There are a number of target sites we
have to look at. To give an example, to take out a number of air
defense sites during the Gulf War, a sortie required over 100
aircraft. It's not just one airplane coming in, firing a missile and
going out. You have to secure a corridor, you have to put a combat air
patrol over it, you have to have air-to-air refueling, you have to
have aircraft protecting the refuelers, and then you have to have the
strike aircraft themselves. You have to have pre- and
post-reconnaissance. When you replicate this, let's say, over 20
targets, we don't have enough airplanes to do it all at once. So, it's
something that will occur in phases. What you look at is maybe a
three- to five-day bombardment where we take out sites, radar sites
and air defense sites the first day, the second we pound the nuclear
sites, the third day we take the Revolutionary Guard Command sites,
the fourth and fifth days we do follow-up strikes to make sure all
targets are destroyed, then we're done. That's probably what we're
looking at.

MT: How much damage could be done to the Iranian nuclear program?
Ritter: No damage would be done to it. Remember, the problem the
Iranians face isn't the manufacture of this equipment. They've already
mastered that. And if you think for a second machine tools that are
used to manufacture enrichment equipment are going to be stored out in
the open where we can bomb them, you're wrong. They've been dispersed.
The Iraqis were masters of this. We spent a lot of money blowing up
concrete, but we never got the machine tools, because they were always
hidden. They were always evacuated the day before — they'd take it to
palm groves or warehouses that we didn't know about, or hidden in
narrow streets. And we never detected that, and we never got them. The
Iranians are even better. They've been mastering the technology of
deep-earth tunneling, so they can hide things underground that we
can't reach with our conventional weapons. So I just think it is
absurd to talk about bombing these sites, because all we'll do is blow
up buildings that can be rebuilt.
A couple of sites are more sensitive; I think the uranium conversion
facility at Isfahan, that'll be a major blow. It's a site that can be
rebuilt however. It was a facility put in by the Chinese, but the
Iranians have the blueprints. It'll take time, but they can rebuild
it. At the best we are talking about retarding an Iranian program. But
what's worse is if we bomb them, we may retard it, but we might also
make it a militant program. Meaning that if their objective is only
nuclear energy and suddenly they're being attacked and the world is
doing nothing, we may push the Iranians into weaponization even though
that is something they don't want to do. That's not in the cards right
now. But our attack will have little or no impact on anything. That's
for certain.

MT: So what do you think the United States should be doing to keep
Iran from getting nuclear weapons?
Ritter: I think that is the wrong question. That presumes Iran is
seeking nuclear weapons. There's no evidence of that whatsoever. So
rather than pose a question that legitimizes a certain point, I think
the question should be, "What should the United States be doing in
regards to Iran?" I think we should be seeking to normalize relations
with Iran. We should be seeking stability in the region. This concept
that the United States gets to dictate to sovereign people the makeup
of their government is absurd. First of all, the theocracy in Iran,
while not a model, for instance ... it's an Iranian problem, not an
American problem. The day of the exportation of the Islamic revolution
is long gone. The Iranians are not seeking to convert by the sword
anybody. It's a nation that has serious internal problems. Economic.
Huge unemployment. It's a nation that recognizes these problems. And
they are in desperate need of not only political stability but also
the economic benefits that come with this stability.
The Iranians want a normalization of relations with the United States
that would be inclusive of peaceful coexistence with Israel. They've
said this over and over and over again.
So what the United States should be doing is exploiting the olive
branch that is being held out by the Iranians. We should be engaging
them diplomatically. We should be terminating economic sanctions and
seeking to exploit the leverage that comes with having American
businesses working inside Iran to try and change them from within. We
should be doing everything to get Iran to be a positive player in the
region, especially considering the debacle that's unfolding in Iraq.
Having the Iranians working with us to engender stability as opposed
to being at cross-purposes.
The same can be said in Afghanistan and the entire central Asian
region. We keep putting our hopes on allies like Saudi Arabia and
Pakistan. Saudi Arabia, which produced 14 of the hijackers who
slaughtered Americans on 9/11. Pakistan, which was the political
sponsor of the Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and continues to
have ties to radical Islamic terror organizations. These are our
allies? And we call Iran the enemy? We've got it backward. The
Iranians are actually the ones we should be working with to oppose
dictatorships like Pakistan and irresponsible governments like Saudi
Arabia's.

MT: Even under Iran's current president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad? It seems
like before him, just after 2001, there was a window where the
Iranians were seeking rapprochement and doing things perhaps quietly
and not well-known to Americans to stabilize things.
Ritter: You have to remember that Ahmadinejad doesn't make any policy.
He is more than a figurehead, but constitutionally he's hampered by
the reality that the power resides with the theocrats. It's the
theocrats we need to be engaging, not Ahmadinejad. You engage the
people who make the decisions. In the end we should be sending people
to talk to the National Security Council, the Guardian Council, the
representatives of the supreme leader. That's where the power is,
that's where the decisions are made. Ahmadinejad is in reality just a
minor inconvenience. The bottom line is, not only doesn't he account
for much, his words haven't created a problem at all. Half the things
we claim he said, he never said at all. And the other half we put out
of context and exaggerate.
I'm not here to defend what the guy says. But the notion that just
because a man dared question a 100 percent interpretation of the
history of the Holocaust as put forward by Israel — and again, I'm not
saying he's right to do that — I'm just saying that because he dared
do that, he's suddenly evil incarnate and we need to go to war against
this guy? No. At worst he's a joke. He's a guy whose words mean
nothing, have no power, have no relevance. It's the supreme leader
that matters. And, yes, today the supreme leader continues to want to
seek to normalize relations with the United States.

MT: You are getting ready to go to Iran at the start of December.
What's the purpose of that trip?
Ritter: I've been trying to get there for some time now to talk with
Iranian government officials trying to ascertain firsthand what's
going on in Iran. We get a lot of rhetoric here at home, we get the
media saying a lot of things that are derived not so much from
on-the-ground truth in Iran but rather from talking points put out by
the White House. I think it is imperative that if we are going to have
a national debate, discussion and dialogue about Iran, that we get all
sides of the story.
Hopefully, I'll have an opportunity to meet with Iranian government
officials, and have a chance to speak with some religious officials,
and maybe even have a chance to talk about hypotheticals, not only
what the current situation is, but how the Iranians would like to see
this thing resolved and what mechanisms might need to be employed and
maybe come back with some ideas that people in Congress might be
interested in.

MT: You've been to Iran before, haven't you?
Ritter: Yes. And having been to Iran, I can tell you that it is the
last nation in the world we should be saying these are people we have
to fight. When you visit Iran and you see the Iranian people and you
get the chance to talk to them, you realize that these are peaceful
people. These are highly educated people. They are more like us than
we can possibly imagine. They are very Western in their approach,
although they reject the term Western because they say think those in
the West are Neanderthals compared to the Persian culture. But they
are very modern in their approach. They are a very modern people.
I always say the best way to stop a war with Iran would be to issue
every American a passport and roundtrip ticket and money for a
two-week stay and let them go there and when they came back they'd say
there's no way we should bomb this place. Once you've been to Iran you
realize just how utterly useless the concept of militaristic
confrontation is.

MT: I think it is fair to say you are perceived as a champion of the
left at this point. But 10 years ago, when you were criticizing the
Clinton administration for undermining efforts to root out Saddam's
weapons, you were being heralded by the right. Saddam accused you of
being an American spy. And you were criticized for being too close
with the Israelis and sharing information with them. But when you go
to Iraq prior to the war there, people on the right are calling you a
traitor. The FBI put you under surveillance. What do you make of all
that?
Ritter: What I make of it is my consistency and the inconsistency of
those who seek to gain political advantage by manipulating the truth.
When the right embraced what I was saying, they didn't embrace the
totality of what I was saying. They only embraced that aspect that was
convenient for their political purposes. I would say today that the
left is guilty of the same thing. I'm only convenient to the left when
that which I espouse mirrors what they are pursuing. It will be
interesting to see, if Hillary Clinton wins the White House, how
popular I will be in certain circles, because I can guarantee I will
go after her with all the vengeance I go after the Bush
administration.
It's not about being Republican, it's not about being Democrat, it's
about being American. It's about doing the right thing. And in the
1990s the right thing was to implement the [United Nations] Security
Council resolutions calling for the disarmament of Iraq. That was the
law. That was what I was tasked with doing, and the Clinton
administration was not permitting the task to be accomplished.
By holding them to account, if that suddenly made me popular with the
right, then so be it. It's not something that I sought; it wasn't the
purpose of what I was doing. But when the complexity of my stance
became inconvenient to the right, when they found out it wasn't just
about taking down the Clinton administration, but rather criticizing
an American political position that put unilateral policy objectives
and regime change higher up in the chain of priorities than
disarmament, suddenly it wasn't convenient anymore to be saying, "Hey,
we like this guy."
One cannot be held accountable for the words and actions of those who
seek to selectively embrace what you say.

MT: When Bush talks about World War III, how likely is the scenario
that an attack by us would escalate into that?
Ritter: I don't know about likely, but what I say is that I can sit
here and spin scenarios that have it going in that direction. And
these aren't fantastic scenarios.

MT: Would that be having Russia or China coming in?
Ritter: No, no, no. It would be something more like the
destabilization of Pakistan to the point where a nuclear device gets
in the hands of Islamic fundamentalists who are aligned with al-Qaeda
and there's some sort of nuclear activity on the soil of the United
States of America. That's more what I'm looking at. I don't think the
Russians or the Chinese would become involved. They don't need to. All
they have to do is sit back and wait and pick up the pieces — because
it is the end of the United States as a global superpower. That's one
thing I try to tell everybody. The danger of going after Iran is that
it is just not worth it. What we can lose is everything, and what we
gain is nothing. So why do it?

CIA plans to interfere in referendum, destabilize Venezuela (James Petras, CounterPunch)

Counterattack as Fateful Referendum Looms
CIA Venezuela Destabilization Memo Surfaces

By JAMES PETRAS
CounterPunch, November 28, 2007
http://www.counterpunch.org/petras11272007.html


On November 26, 2007 the Venezuelan government
broadcast and circulated a confidential memo from
the US embassy to the CIA which is devastatingly
revealing of US clandestine operations and which
will influence the referendum this Sunday,
December 2, 2007.

The memo sent by an embassy official, Michael
Middleton Steere, was addressed to the Director
of Central Intelligence, Michael Hayden. The memo
was entitled 'Advancing to the Last Phase of
Operation Pincer' and updates the activity by a
CIA unit with the acronym 'HUMINT' (Human
Intelligence) which is engaged in clandestine
action to destabilize the forth-coming referendum
and coordinate the civil military overthrow of
the elected Chavez government. The Embassy-CIA's
polls concede that 57 per cent of the voters
approved of the constitutional amendments
proposed by Chavez but also predicted a 60 per
cent abstention.

The US operatives emphasized their capacity to
recruit former Chavez supporters among the social
democrats (PODEMOS) and the former Minister of
Defense Baduel, claiming to have reduced the
'yes' vote by 6 per cent from its original
margin. Nevertheless the Embassy operatives
concede that they have reached their ceiling,
recognizing they cannot defeat the amendments via
the electoral route.

The memo then recommends that Operation Pincer
(OP) [Operación Tenaza] be operationalized. OP
involves a two-pronged strategy of impeding the
referendum, rejecting the outcome at the same
time as calling for a 'no' vote. The run up to
the referendum includes running phony polls,
attacking electoral officials and running
propaganda through the private media accusing the
government of fraud and calling for a 'no' vote.
Contradictions, the report emphasizes, are of no
matter.

The CIA-Embassy reports internal division and
recriminations among the opponents of the
amendments including several defections from
their 'umbrella group'. The key and most
dangerous threats to democracy raised by the
Embassy memo point to their success in mobilizing
the private university students (backed by top
administrators) to attack key government
buildings including the Presidential Palace,
Supreme Court and the National Electoral Council.
The Embassy is especially full of praise for the
ex-Maoist 'Red Flag' group for its violent street
fighting activity. Ironically, small Trotskyist
sects and their trade unionists join the
ex-Maoists in opposing the constitutional
amendments. The Embassy, while discarding their
'Marxist rhetoric', perceives their opposition as
fitting in with their overall strategy.

The ultimate objective of 'Operation Pincer' is
to seize a territorial or institutional base with
the 'massive support' of the defeated electoral
minority within three or four days (presumably
after the elections though this is not clear. JP)
backed by an uprising by oppositionist military
officers principally in the National Guard. The
Embassy operative concede that the military
plotters have run into serous problems as key
intelligence operatives were detected, stores of
arms were decommissioned and several plotters are
under tight surveillance.

Apart from the deep involvement of the US, the
primary organization of the Venezuelan business
elite (FEDECAMARAS), as well as all the major
private television, radio and newspaper outlets
have been engaged in a campaign of fear and
intimidation campaign. Food producers, wholesale
and retail distributors have created artificial
shortages of basic food items and have provoked
large scale capital flight to sow chaos in the
hopes of reaping a 'no' vote.

President Chavez Counter-Attacks

In a speech to pro-Chavez, pro-amendment
nationalist business-people (Entrepreneurs for
Venezuela ­ EMPREVEN) Chavez warned the President
of FEDECAMARAS that if he continues to threaten
the government with a coup, he would nationalize
all their business affiliates. With the exception
of the Trotskyists and other sects, the vast
majority of organized workers, peasants, small
farmers, poor neighborhood councils, informal
self-employed and public school students have
mobilized and demonstrated in favor of the
constitutional amendments.

The reason for the popular majority is found in a
few of the key amendments: One article expedites
land expropriation facilitating re-distribution
to the landless and small producers. Chavez has
already settled over 150,000 landless workers on
2 million acres of land. Another amendment
provides universal social security coverage for
the entire informal sector (street sellers,
domestic workers, self-employed) amounting to 40
per cent of the labor force. Organized and
unorganized workers' workweek will be reduced
from 40 to 36 hours a week (Monday to Friday
noon) with no reduction in pay. Open admission
and universal free higher education will open
greater educational opportunities for lower class
students. Amendments will allow the government to
by-pass current bureaucratic blockage of the
socialization of strategic industries, thus
creating greater employment and lower utility
costs. Most important, an amendment will increase
the power and budget of neighborhood councils to
legislate and invest in their communities.

The electorate supporting the constitutional
amendments is voting in favor of their
socio-economic and class interests; the issue of
extended re-election of the President is not high
on their priorities: And that is the issue that
the Right has focused on in calling Chavez a
'dictator' and the referendum a 'coup'.

The Opposition

With strong financial backing from the US Embassy
($8 million dollars in propaganda alone according
to the Embassy memo) and the business elite and
'free time' by the right-wing media, the Right
has organized a majority of the upper middle
class students from the private universities,
backed by the Catholic Church hierarchy, large
swaths of the affluent middle class
neighborhoods, entire sectors of the commercial,
real estate and financial middle classes and
apparently sectors of the military, especially
officials in the National Guard. While the Right
has control over the major private media, public
television and radio back the constitutional
reforms. While the Right has its followers among
some generals and the National Guard, Chavez has
the backing of the paratroops and legions of
middle-rank officers and most other generals.

The outcome of the Referendum of December 2 is a
major historical event first and foremost for
Venezuela but also for the rest of the Americas.
A positive vote (Vota 'Sí') will provide the
legal framework for the democratization of the
political system, the socialization of strategic
economic sectors, empower the poor and provide
the basis for a self-managed factory system. A
negative vote (or a successful US-backed
civil-military uprising) would reverse the most
promising living experience of popular self-rule,
of advanced social welfare and democratically
based socialism. A reversal, especially a
military dictated outcome, would lead to a blood
bath, such as we have not seen since the days of
the Indonesian Generals' Coup of 1966, which
killed over a million workers and peasants or the
Argentine Coup of 1976 in which over 30,000
Argentines were murdered by the US- backed
Generals.

A decisive vote for 'Sí' will not end US military
and political destabilization campaigns but it
will certainly undermine and demoralize their
collaborators. On December 2, 2007 the
Venezuelans have a rendezvous with history.


James Petras, a former Professor of Sociology at
Binghamton University, New York, owns a 50 year
membership in the class struggle, is an adviser
to the landless and jobless in brazil and
argentina and is co-author of Globalization
Unmasked (Zed). His new book with Henry
Veltmeyer, Social Movements and the State:
Brazil, Ecuador, Bolivia and Argentina, will be
published in October 2005. He can be reached at:
jpetras@binghamton.edu


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Friday, November 30, 2007

If Bush Attacks Iran, He Won't Get My Taxes: Chris Hedges

Hi, Impeachment Person,
This is the best statement of its kind I've seen. Ralph Nazareth found it.

If Bush Attacks Iran, He Won't Get My Taxes

By Chris Hedges

11/29/07 "The Nation" -- - -- I will not pay my income tax if we go to
war with Iran. I realize this is a desperate and perhaps futile
gesture. But an attack on Iran -- which appears increasingly likely
before the coming presidential election -- will unleash a regional
conflict of catastrophic proportions. This war, and especially Iranian
retaliatory strikes on American targets, will be used to silence
domestic dissent and abolish what is left of our civil liberties. It
will solidify the slow-motion coup d'état that has been under way
since the 9/11 attacks. It could mean the death of the Republic.


Let us hope sanity prevails. But sanity is a rare commodity in a White
House that has twisted Trotsky's concept of permanent revolution into
a policy of permanent war with nefarious aims -- to intimidate and
destroy all those classified as foreign opponents, to create permanent
instability and fear and to strip citizens of their constitutional
rights.

A war with Iran is doomed. It will be no more successful than the
Israeli airstrikes on Lebanon in 2006, which failed to break Hezbollah
and united most Lebanese behind that militant group. The Israeli
bombing did not pacify 4 million Lebanese. What will happen when we
begin to pound a country of 65 million people whose land mass is three
times the size of France?

Once you begin an air campaign it is only a matter of time before you
have to put troops on the ground or accept defeat, as the Israelis had
to do in Lebanon. And if we begin dropping bunker busters and cruise
missiles on Iran, this is the choice that must be faced: either send
US forces into Iran to fight a protracted and futile guerrilla war, or
walk away in humiliation.

But more ominous, an attack on Iran will ignite the Middle East. The
loss of Iranian oil, coupled with possible Silkworm missile attacks by
Iran against oil tankers in the Persian Gulf, could send the price of
oil soaring to somewhere around $200 a barrel. The effect on the
domestic and world economy will be devastating, very possibly
triggering a global depression. The Middle East has two-thirds of the
world's proven petroleum reserves and nearly half its natural gas. A
disruption in the supply will be felt immediately.

This attack will be interpreted by many Shiites in the Middle East as
a religious war. The two million Shiites in Saudi Arabia (heavily
concentrated in the oil-rich Eastern Province), the Shiite majority in
Iraq and the Shiite communities in Bahrain, Pakistan and Turkey could
turn in rage on us and our dwindling allies. We could see a
combination of increased terrorist attacks, including on American
soil, and widespread sabotage of oil production in the Persian Gulf.
Iraq, as bad as it looks now, will become a death pit for US troops.

The Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council, which has so far not joined the
insurgency, has strong ties to Iran. It could begin full-scale
guerrilla resistance, possibly uniting for the first time with Sunnis
against the occupation. Iran, in retaliation, will fire its missiles,
some with a range of 1,100 miles, at US installations, including
Baghdad's Green Zone. Expect substantial casualties, especially with
Iranian agents and their Iraqi allies calling in precise coordinates.
Iranian missiles could be launched at Israel. The Strait of Hormuz,
which is the corridor for 20 percent of the world's oil supply, will
become treacherous, perhaps unnavigable. Chinese-supplied antiship
missiles, mines and coastal artillery, along with speedboats packed
with explosives and suicide bombers, will target US shipping, along
with Saudi oil production and oil export centers.

Hezbollah forces in southern Lebanon, closely allied with Iran, may in
solidarity fire rockets into northern Israel. Israel, already struck
by missiles from Tehran, could then carry out retaliatory raids
against both Lebanon and Iran. Pakistan, with its huge Shiite
minority, will become even more unstable. Unrest could result in the
overthrow of the already weakened Pervez Musharraf and usher Islamic
radicals into power. Pakistan, rather than Iran, would then become the
first radical Islamic state to possess a nuclear weapon. The neat
little war with Iran, which many Democrats do not oppose, has the
potential to ignite an inferno.

George W. Bush has shredded, violated or absented America from its
obligations under international law. He has refused to ratify the
Kyoto Protocol, backed out of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, tried
to kill the International Criminal Court, walked out on negotiations
on chemical and biological weapons and defied the Geneva Conventions
and human rights law in the treatment of detainees. Most egregious, he
launched an illegal war in Iraq based on fabricated evidence we now
know had been discredited even before it was made public. He seeks to
do the same in Iran.

This President is guilty, in short, of what in legal circles is known
as the "crime of aggression." And if we as citizens do not hold him
accountable for this crime, if we do not actively defy this
government, we will be complicit in the codification of a new world
order, one that will have terrifying consequences. For a world without
treaties, statutes and laws is a world where any nation, from a rogue
nuclear state to a great imperial power, will be able to invoke its
domestic laws to annul its obligations to others. This new order will
undo five decades of international cooperation -- largely put in place
by the United States -- and thrust us into a Hobbesian nightmare. We
must as citizens make sacrifices to defend a world where diplomacy,
broad cooperation and the law are respected. If we allow these
international legal systems to unravel, we will destroy the
possibility of cooperation between nation-states, including our
closest allies.

The strongest institutional barrier standing between us and a war with
Iran is being mounted by Defense Secretary Robert Gates; Adm. William
Fallon, head of the Central Command; and Gen. George Casey, the Army's
new chief of staff. These three men have informed Bush and Congress
that the military is too depleted to take on another conflict and may
not be able to contain or cope effectively with a regional
conflagration resulting from strikes on Iran. This line of defense,
however, is tenuous. Not only can Gates, Fallon and Casey easily be
replaced but a provocation by Iran could be used by war propagandists
here to stoke a public clamor for revenge.

A country that exists in a state of permanent war cannot exist as a
democracy. Our long row of candles is being snuffed out. We may soon
be in darkness. Any resistance, however symbolic, is essential. There
are ways to resist without being jailed. If you owe money on your
federal tax return, refuse to pay some or all of it, should Bush
attack Iran. If you have a telephone, do not pay the 3 percent excise
tax. If you do not owe federal taxes, reduce what is withheld by
claiming at least one additional allowance on your W-4 form -- and
write to the IRS to explain the reasons for your protest. Many of the
details and their legal ramifications are available on the War
Resisters League's website.

I will put the taxes I owe in an escrow account. I will go to court to
challenge the legality of the war. Maybe a courageous judge will rule
that the Constitution has been usurped and the government is guilty of
what the postwar Nuremberg tribunal defined as a criminal war of
aggression. Maybe not. I do not know. But I do know this: I have
friends in Tehran, Gaza, Beirut, Baghdad, Jerusalem and Cairo. They
will endure far greater suffering and deprivation. I want to be able,
once the slaughter is over, to at least earn the right to ask for
their forgiveness.

Chris Hedges, a Pulitzer prize-winning reporter, was the Middle East
bureau chief for The New York Times. He spent seven years in the
Middle East and reported frequently from Iran. His latest book is
American Fascists: The Christian Right and the War on America.

Thursday, November 29, 2007

Fournier vs Larson; Pax Christi; Valerie Plame & treason; Catherine Wilkerson

Hi, Impeachment Person,
We have some good and useful reading and requests for action (#1, #2 and #4):
1) Steve Fournier et al v. John Larson;
2) Pax Christi's request for letters, faxes, and calls to support
civil liberties;
3) Forwarded by Ann Gallagher: Treason is not Old News;
4) A particularly despicable example of how the police state is
intensifying its gross and arbitrary violence: Alexander Cockburn on
Catherine Wilkerson, MD.
Richard

1) Steve Fournier et al v. John Larson:
Connecticut Accountability Project
(Hartford, November 26, 2007) Congressman John Larson was today
presented with a set of pointed questions challenging his stated
position on the impeachment of the President of the United States.
Larson has told local impeachment advocates that the Congress has moreimportant things to do and that it's too late to hold the executive
branch accountable.
The questions, twelve in all, originated with a group calling itself
"Greater Hartford Impeach. " In a document signed on-line by 27
additional petitioners, 12 of whom vote in Larson's 1st district, the
group challenges Larson to acknowledge (or refuse to acknowledge) that
it's a crime to lie to Congress, to hold prisoners without legal
process, to torture captives in the course of interrogation, to apply
pressure to federal prosecutors over prosecutorial decisions, and to
instruct federal employees to ignore federal laws, among other acts of
presidential misconduct enumerated by the group.
Larson is asked to acknowledge that the House of Representatives has
sole law enforcement authority over crimes committed by a president
and malfeasance by the commander-in-chief. He is challenged to answer
whether his failure to hold this president accountable will set a
precedent for lawlessness in future administrations, and he is asked
explicitly whether it is his intention by his inaction to create a
presidency that is above the law.
The spokesman for Greater Hartford Impeach, Hartford lawyer Stephen
Fournier, had asked twice for a brief personal audience with the
congressman, but staff members who promised to reply never called
back. Fournier left the 12 questions with aides in Larson's Hartford
office Monday afternoon.
"It appears that big-d Democrats are more interested in the outcome of
the next presidential election than in the future of the presidency,
the Congress, and our small-d democratic system," said Fournier. "My
congressman must be held accountable for refusing to discharge his
constitutional duties. To this end, I am forming a political action
committee whose purpose will be to remind John Larson of his
responsibilities and replace him if necessary. "
Fournier says he is making himself available as a candidate for
Larson's seat, but only tentatively. "There are more qualified people
than me who haven't considered the possibility of taking on Larson.
This move might empower somebody," said Fournier. "I want Larson to
face the strongest possible opponent who will confront the racketeers
that now control Congress. I'll do it if nobody else will. "
Fournier--former Democrat, former Republican, now Green--made himself
a write-in candidate for Larson's seat in 2006, receiving fewer than
100 votes. Fournier vows that, "in 2008, Larson will face an opponent
who is an articulate and passionate advocate of the rule of law and
whose name will appear on the ballot. In the last election, Larson
could blame the Republican majority, but that excuse evaporated a year
ago. Our political action committee will mount a frontal attack on
Larson's performance in office, and we will warn voters in the
district about the dire consequences to our nation if we continue on
the course Larson and his party have been following. "
Letter to Congressman Larson
Stephen Fournier
74 Tremont Street
Hartford, Connecticut 06105
Tel: 860 794 6718 Fax: 860 233 3044
stepfour@stepfour.com
November 26, 2007
Representative John B. Larson
221 Main Street
Hartford, CT 06106
Dear Congressman Larson:
I write on behalf of a local discussion group called "Greater Hartford
Impeach." Our periodic discussions have yielded a dozen questions that
I have been asked to pose to you:
· The rationale for the resolution purporting to authorize the
military occupation of Iraq was based on false and misleading
statements by the president. Isn't lying to Congress a felony?
· Executive branch officials are holding prisoners without
access to legal process. Isn't this kidnapping?
· Executive branch officials conducted warrantless wiretapping
of Americans. Isn't this a felony under the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act?
· Executive branch officials interfered in federal
prosecutions, removed federal prosecutors for noncompliance with
political demands, and committed perjury before congress when asked to
remember critical facts relevant to the prosecutors' removal. Doesn't
this amount to obstruction of justice?
· The president has defied subpoenas duly issued by Congress.
Isn't it the duty of Congress to enforce its subpoenas with a contempt
citation and to enforce that citation by appropriate legal means?
· Executive branch officials, military and civilian, have
tortured prisoners during interrogation. Isn't this felonious conduct
under federal law?
· The president has issued "signing statements" authorizing or
directing federal employees to violate selected provisions of duly
enacted laws. Isn't this contrary to his constitutional oath to see
that the laws are faithfully executed?
· Officials of the executive branch maintain contracts with
armed civilians that purport to authorize the killing of other
civilians. Isn't this a violation of the laws prohibiting homicide?
· As commander-in-chief, the president has permitted the
misdirection of billions in cash and government property and has
failed to equip soldiers properly. Other than mutiny, isn't Congress
the sole check on criminal malfeasance by the commander-in-chief?
· Aren't you and the other members of the House of
Representatives the only people in America who can hold the president
accountable for these crimes and isn't it your responsibility to do
that, regardless of the political consequences?
· If you fail to hold the president accountable, aren't you
setting a precedent for future presidents and future congresses not to
hold the executive accountable for high crimes?
· Aren't you concerned that your failure to act will be seen as
a deliberate step in the creation of a presidency that is no longer
subject to the rule of law?
I have attached a list of names of people who subscribed to these
questions at my website: http://www.stepfour.com/xdem/?page_id=98. The
names in bold type are of people who vote in our district. Several
subscribers also submitted a message, and I have included these just
after their names.
Stephen Fournier
David J Norton: "Do the right thing, impeach Bush"
David Kideckel: "You took an oath. You need to keep it. Honor the
Constitution. Impeach the criminals."
Mary L. Sanders: "Out of Iraq Now - Impeach Yesterday!"
Frank O'Gorman
William R. Petrillo, Sr.
Tracy Thompson Gale
Sadu Nanjundiah: "We should ask these questions of all our reps. and
force them to either pursue impeachment for all the right reasons or
admit to their being utterly incapable of doing their duty and so,
resign."
Paula Zeiner
Barb Schade: "It is of utmost importance that you answer these
questions openly and honestly and publicly."
Guy Blais
Valentin Rosario : "Act now and hold the president accountable!!!"
Kris Treat
Janet Conley: "Please hold the President and the Administration
accountable for the crimes they have committed. It is your
responsibility."
Flo Woodiel
Gail Canzano
Jeremy Brecher: "From a Connecticut Democratic Party member."
Ana Lachelier: "I fully concur with questions posed here.
Unfortunately, I am quite sceptical that Congressman Larson will
answer these questions fully and honestly."
David Schneider: "Is it permitted for the Executive Branch of our
government is permitted to break the laws and harm the people of
America? Is there no justice in the land? Are we becoming so separated
from integrity, honesty, decency, HUMANITY?"
Steven Santoni
Marge Schneider: "How could you possibly be working in a democratic
system and not fight to uphold the foundation of our democracy - our
Constitution? Are you not willing to honor the moral fibre and
integrity of this nation and help to restore democracy?"
Diane Mellen
Miriam Kurland: "What kind of strategies can you offer, suggest, or
help everyday citizens who are determined to hold the current
administration accountable to their many numerous crimes, to proceed
with to attain this goal?"
Paula Norton
David Ionno
Gerry George: "Show some leadership. Take responsibility. Represent
your people who somehow have lost their voice in the press but who are
screaming at the top of their lungs at you. Pay attention, please.
Show some courage."
Thomas S. George: "Act like a public servant. Take the responsibility
of your office."
Bruce Martin: "I look forward to your answers to our questions re Bush
& Co.'s constitutional malfeasance deserving rapid impeachment."


2) Pax Christi's request for letters, faxes, and calls to support
civil liberties:

Dear Pax Christi friends, There are two items here which relate to
civil rights and how you can help defend them.

The first is a request for prayers that the Supreme Court will make
the right decision on Dec. 5, regarding the right of detainees The
second is a request to phone District Attorney Morgenthau asap about
the rights of people to protest.
1) On December 5, the Supreme Court will hear arguments for the cases
of Al Odah vs. U.S. and Boumediene vs. Bush. A key issue in these
cases is the right of detainees to challenge their detention using
habeas petitions. The cases represent a challenge to the
constitutionality of the Detainee Treatment Act and the Military
Commissions Act of 2006.

2) On September 25th, while Bush was speaking at the UN, deriding what
he considers the "brutal regimes" of the world (while it his that has
made torture legal, invaded and occupied two countries with one
million people dead, and is making plans to attack a third country),
hundreds of people were outside the UN in protest. A sea of orange
filled the plaza, with a contingent marching in wearing the orange
jumpsuits and hoods that Guantanamo detainees are forced to wear
everyday, as well as a plethora of orange bandanas, flags, clothes,
etc.

The authorities clearly did not like this showing of resistance,
cutting off the sound permit an hour early. When more than a dozen
people sat down on a sidewalk just over the police barricade in an act
of civil disobedience, police arrested them. And they also arrested
three who protested the initial arrests and they were held overnight
and slapped with more serious charges. This did not deter people,
hundreds of people took off downtown, marching all the way from the UN
to Washington Square Park.

People are rightly disgusted with the way protesters are herded in
pens, off to the side and marginalized. That people who sat down a
few feet outside those pens, on a street already closed to traffic
would be arrested is an outrage. Then several weeks later, rather
than dropping these charges, the highly unusual step of adding
additional charges against those who engaged in this civil
disobedience action. This is an additional outrage which should be
called out and reversed.

On November 27th, the three who spoke out against the arrests and then
themselves were arrested are to appear in court and the initial group
of 14 arrested are to appear in January 17.

We call on people to stand with all of these defendants. Their
actions should be applauded, not punished!

And beginning immediately, call or send letters or faxes to:
Robert M. Morgenthau, District Attorney
One Hogan Place, New York, NY 10013
Phone: 212-335-9000
Fax: 212-385-9789


3) Forwarded by Ann Gallagher: Treason is not Old News:

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/joe-and-valerie-wilson/treason-is-not-old-news_b_73852.html

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/joe-and-valerie-wilson/treason-is-not-old-news_b_73852.html
Treason is Not Old News
Posted November 22, 2007 | 04:37 PM (EST)

Read More: Dick Armitage, I Lewis Scooter Libby, Joe And Valerie
Wilson, Joe Wilson, Karl Rove, Richard Armitage, Scooter Libby, Scott
Mcclellan, Scott McClellan Book, Scott Mcclellan Lies, Valerie Plame,
Valerie Plame Wilson, Valerie Plame Wilson Book, Breaking Politics
News

"I have nothing but contempt and anger for those who betray the trust
by exposing the name of our sources. They are, in my view, the most
insidious, of traitors." George Herbert Walker Bush, CIA dedication
ceremony, April 26, 1999.

When Bush administration officials I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby, Karl
Rove, Richard Armitage and Ari Fleischer betrayed Valerie Plame
Wilson's identity as a covert CIA operations officer, they fell into
the category of "the most insidious of traitors." Now we learn from
the president's former press secretary, Scott McClellan, that the
president himself "was involved" in sending him out to lie to the
American public about the betrayal. If his direction to McClellan was
deliberate and knowing, then the president was party to a conspiracy
by senior administration officials to defraud the public. If that
isn't a high crime and misdemeanor then we don't know what is. And if
the president was merely an unwitting accomplice, then who lied to
him? What is he doing to punish the person who misled the president to
abuse his office? And why is that person still working in the
executive branch? Special Prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald made clear his
suspicions about the culprit when he said "a cloud remains over the
office of the vice president." But we may never know exactly what
happened because President Bush thwarted justice and guaranteed the
success of the cover-up when he commuted Scooter Libby's felony
sentence on four counts of lying, perjury and obstruction of justice.
With the exception of MSNBC's Keith Olbermann, Chris Matthews, and the
intrepid David Shuster, the mainstream media would have you believe
that McClellan's revelation is old news. "Now back to Aruba and the
two-year old disappearance of a blond teenager." But treason is not
old news. The Washington press corps, whose pretension is to report
and interpret events objectively, has been compromised in this matter
as evidence presented in the courtroom demonstrated. Prominent
journalists acted as witting agents of Rove, Libby and Armitage and
covered up this serious breach of U.S. national security rather than
doing their duty as journalists to report it to the public.
So far there is no apparent desire for redemption driving the press to
report on the treachery of senior officials. Instead, the mainstream
press has compounded its complicity by giving the Bush administration
yet another free pass and shifting blame. The New York Times failed to
publish an article on McClellan's revelation and The Washington Post
buried it at the end of a column deep on page A-15 in the newspaper.
Earlier in the week, Newsweek magazine, owned by the Washington Post
Company, proudly announced the identity of its new star columnist --
Karl Rove, one of the key actors in this collective treason. Robert
Novak, who willfully disclosed Valerie's identity, having been twice
warned not to do so by the CIA, and who transmitted his column to Rove
before it was published, remains a regularly featured columnist in The
Washington Post.

With nearly 70 percent of the public now believing that our country is
on the wrong track, it is no wonder that many feel let down by major
institutions, including the Washington press establishment that
increasingly resembles the corrupt Soviet propaganda mill. One
reporter from a major news organization even asked whether McClellan's
statement wasn't just "another Wilson publicity stunt." Try following
this tortuous logic: Dick Cheney runs an operation involving senior
White House officials designed to betray the identity of a covert CIA
officer and the press responds by trying to prove that the Wilsons are
publicity seekers. What ever happened to reporting the news? Welcome
to Through the Looking Glass.

Fearful of its access to the powerful, and defensive about its status
in the high school social culture that permeates the capital of the
Free World, much of the press has forgotten its responsibility to the
public and the Constitution.
Presidents and those who aspired to be president in the past once took
strong positions in defense of U.S. national security. Today,
Republican presidential candidate Fred Thompson has tried to build his
support through fronting for the Scooter Libby Defense fundraising
efforts. Meanwhile, other Republican candidates accuse Patrick
Fitzgerald of being "a runaway prosecutor" and remain silent about the
stain on Bush's presidency.
Where is the outrage? Where is the "contempt and anger?"
Click here to read more from Valerie Plame Wilson on The Huffington Post.

4) A particularly despicable example of how the police state is
intensifying its gross and arbitrary violence:
Weekend Edition
November 24 / 25, 2007
Welcome to the Jackboot State, Ann Arbor Division
The Ordeal of Catherine Wilkerson, M.D.
By ALEXANDER COCKBURN
Welcome to the jackboot state, not to mention the jackboot campus,
anno domini 2007. A doctor gives verbal advice to protect the life of
an unconscious man and she duly gets hit with attempted felonies by
vindictive campus cops, with the connivance of the University of
Michigan. Jury selection for her trial starts on Monday in a county
courthouse in Ann Arbor.
This case began with an on-campus talk about Iran last November 30 by
Raymond Tanter, a former Reagan administration foreign policy advisor
and nutball cofounder of the Committee on the Present Danger. More
recently he's co-founder of the Iran Policy Committee. Tanter has said
publicly on more than one occasion that nuking Iran wouldn't be a bad
idea.
The audience at November 30 event was lively and contentious. On the
campus that Columbia's Lee Bollinger once ran there's an elaborate
policy about free speech, but those precepts were promptly flouted. As
is now the fashion at many universities, the U of M campus guards are
gun-toting goons who decided to wade in aggressively at the behest of
the event's organizers.
Here's how Dr. Catherine Wilkerson described what happened next, on
this site on March 13 of this year.
I heard a commotion in the hall and stepped out of the room. In the
hall I saw the same huge cop on top of the second protester who'd come
to the first victim's aid. The cop had the man, a relatively small guy
in his forties, pinned down, arms pulled behind his back, getting
handcuffed. The cop used PPCT against this person also, not once but
twice. The man writhed and cried out in pain.
The cop used his far-greater strength and body weight, along with the
force of his knee on his victim's back to press his chest against the
floor. It would be impossible for a person to inflate his lungs
pressed against the floor with his hands cuffed behind his back like
that. Asphyxiation being a well-known cause of death of people in
custody, when the man started calling out that he couldn't breathe, I
approached, identified myself as a doctor, and instructed the cop to
turn him over immediately. The victim went limp. The cop turned him
onto his back. I saw that the victim had a wound on his forehead and
blood in his nostrils. He was unconscious. Reiterating numerous times
that I was a doctor, I tried to move to where I could assess the
victim for breathing and a pulse. The cop shoved me, until finally,
after my imploring him to allow me to render medical care to the
victim, he allowed me to determine that the victim was alive. But he
refused to remove the cuffs despite my requests. A person lying with
hands cuffed beneath his body risks nerve damage to the extremities
and, moreover, cannot be resuscitated. I continually re-assessed the
man, who had now become my patient, and who remained unconscious.
Eventually an ambulance arrived, along with the fire department and a
contingent of Ann Arbor police officers. While the paramedics went
about their business, the first thing being to have the cop un-cuff
the patient, I tried to fulfill my obligation to my patient. I tried
to oversee what the paramedics were doing, which, contrary to protocol
and the normal relationship between physician and paramedic, was all
that I was allowed to do. I was forced to stay away. What I witnessed
in the course of their treatment appalled me. When the patient didn't
respond to a sternal rub, one of the paramedics popped an ammonia
inhalant and thrust it beneath the patient's nostrils. If you're
interested in what's wrong with that, google Dr. Bryan Bledsoe,
foremost authority on paramedicine, and read his article condemning
this dangerous practice. That it's "just bad medicine" is sufficient
to make the paramedic's actions unacceptable, but what happened next
made my blood curdle. He popped a second inhalant and a third, then
cupped his hands over the patient's nostrils to heighten the noxious
effect. "You don't like that, do you?" he said.
At that point I issued a direct medical order for him to stop, but he
ignored me. "What you're doing is punitive," I said, "and has no
efficacy." Then as the patient retched, rather than rolling him onto
his side to avoid the chance of his choking on his own vomit, a
firefighter held his feet down and yelled, "don't spit." In thirty
years of doctoring, I have never witnessed such egregious maltreatment
of a patient. Again I spoke up, "this is punitive." I hoped to shame
the paramedical into stopping his unethical behavior."
Please note that at no point did Wilkerson do anything other than
offer verbal advice.
The police--by now not just campus but also city cops were on the
scene -- ordered her to leave. As she was doing so, a city cop seized
her and put her under arrest. His superiors soon determined there were
no grounds for arrest and she was released without having been
handcuffed or requested to produce ID.
Wilkerson has made her career serving low-income patients. For the
last 5 to 6 years she's worked at a community medical clinic. She
takes the U.S. Constitution seriously and filed a complaint about the
incident alleging police misconduct. It took seven weeks for the cops
to answer the charges, which they did by the expedient of filing a
report plump with mendacity about Wilkerson's conduct the night of the
arrests. The Washtenaw County Prosecutor, Brian Mackie, at the
apparent request of the UM police, charged her with two attempted
felonies based on "attempted interference" with the police officer who
had seized her.
Her attorney, civil rights lawyer Buck Davis, tells me that that
county judge Elizabeth Pollard Hines recently threw out two subsequent
charges, claiming that Wilkerson had tried to interfere with the
campus police as well as the police officer.
This coming week Wilkerson faces jury trial at the 15th District Court
in Ann Arbor. Wilkerson's lawyers will bring in eyewitnesses to the
events on November 30, 2006, plus expert witnesses including Brian
Bledsoe, a Texas attorney who has testified in cases across the
country on the use of ammonia. (Ammonia was involved in the death of
Martin Lee Anderson at a juvenile 'boot camp' detention facility in
Florida.)
Buck Davis tells me that "ten or fifteen years ago this case would
have been a slam dunk, on First Amendment and medical privilege
arguments, with no physical contact with the cops, all in liberal Ann
Arbor." Wilkerson would have been swiftly acquitted.
"But now people are scared to death. They know the social system is
falling apart. They no longer have a generous spirit. I've learned
that the erosion of the economic and social fabric means people want
to believe the cops. They're frightened. So I'm not as arrogant about
'slam dunk' cases as I once was."
The case will probably run all week, except Thursday. If you can, show
up in court to support Catherine Wilkerson.
Learn more at defendwilkerson.org or sign the petition at
www.ipetitions.com/petition/defendwilkerson